ndres TOWNSEND A DRAIN THE MOST VALUABLE AND INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RELATING TO ETHICS PAP HAD AFTER THE DEATH OF Haya
is especially reassuring to hear and see Andrew Townsend in an interview in the late seventies and recently released from youtube. There is, Don Andrés , clear, precise, with an impeccable Castilian, teaching, doctrinal, ethical and deeply APRA, as they learned the historical generations of Peruvian APRA. His APRA and impoverished the expulsion was the result of a conspiracy "bureaucratic-authoritarian" directed by Fernando León de Vivero , which stained with this decision, its long history of fighting. But the direct beneficiary was Alan Garcia. Without Townsend on the road, the land was cleared, to cancel the generation of the FAJ and open the door to adventurism. Years later, Townsend in another interview broadcast on television, would have a meeting with Alan , where the latter told him in detail how it is implemented electoral fraud against their internal nomination for President of the Republic ended assuming Armando Villanueva. And Armando few years ago, in an interview in Republic admitted in 1980 that the candidate should be Townsend and not him.
reproduce an article written in 2003, by the way of a tribute that made Townsend the President of the La Libertad region c. Homer Burgos.
is especially reassuring to hear and see Andrew Townsend in an interview in the late seventies and recently released from youtube. There is, Don Andrés , clear, precise, with an impeccable Castilian, teaching, doctrinal, ethical and deeply APRA, as they learned the historical generations of Peruvian APRA. His APRA and impoverished the expulsion was the result of a conspiracy "bureaucratic-authoritarian" directed by Fernando León de Vivero , which stained with this decision, its long history of fighting. But the direct beneficiary was Alan Garcia. Without Townsend on the road, the land was cleared, to cancel the generation of the FAJ and open the door to adventurism. Years later, Townsend in another interview broadcast on television, would have a meeting with Alan , where the latter told him in detail how it is implemented electoral fraud against their internal nomination for President of the Republic ended assuming Armando Villanueva. And Armando few years ago, in an interview in Republic admitted in 1980 that the candidate should be Townsend and not him.
reproduce an article written in 2003, by the way of a tribute that made Townsend the President of the La Libertad region c. Homer Burgos.
Greetings,
Eduardo Bueno León
-----------------------------------
Andres Townsend Ezcurra dissent or dying
For Eduardo Bueno León
IN FAITH IN THE CHURCH BUT NOT
Don Andrés
born March 23, 1915 and died on July 31, 1994, were nearly fifty years of intense intellectual and political work in the fertile APRA under the shadow of the founding leaders: Hague Tower and Manuel Seoane .
Townsend was a descendant of Irish immigrants who traveled to America to escape the famous famine of 1842, one of which would be based in northern Peru. As a young woman lost her closest relatives, and almost adolescent enrolled in the nascent APRA, activism for which he was deported in 1935 to Chile, moving later to Argentina, where he completed his studies. In 1945 he returned to Peru and direct Tribune, the daily epic that both APRA contributed to the debate of ideas and construction of Peruvian democracy.
in 1948 with the coup of General Odría , depart back to exile in Panama and Guatemala where he subsequently devoted to journalism and university teaching. Youth will be part of APRA to remain firm next Haya de la Torre , when dissenting voices began after the failure of 1948.
in 1956 will begin his diplomatic work in the United Nations , where he will participate in the discussion and drafting of Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural achieving the inclusion of right to strike, which will be the basis for future international agreements mainly the ILO .
along the 1960 and fifty years married Anel Távara Diez-Canseco, his life's partner and active member of the APRA party. Lambayeque is elected deputy in 1964 and organized, which may be the work of his political life, the Latin American Parliament which will reelected Secretary General until his retirement in 1991.
to occur in 1968 coup of General Velasco , Townsend Ezcurra then President of the Chamber of Deputies, takes refuge in a foreign embassy. This gesture will be harshly criticized by opponents who try to oppose their quest for asylum, the image of a Armando Villanueva del Campo protesting in the streets against the coup.
preside In the seventies the school of political training Ebert Foundation in Costa Rica, returning to Peru after a brief stay and assuming positions of political leadership by Haya de la Torre . integrate Constituent Assembly , which will contribute substantively to the formulation of the 1979 Constitution . Also draft inaugural speech Haya de la Torre .
After the death of the founder of APRA , his confrontation with Armando Villanueva will become an open dissent to form the MBH and join the Democratic Convergence alliance to participate in the 1985 election. Senator-Elect will complete its work in 1990. Multiple offers were made and steps, but can not return to the game APRA despite being a solid ally of PAP in the Senate.
in 1991 will chair the Advisory Council PARLATINO and begin his last great battle against the disease that caused his death on July 31, 1994. Townsend
published several books highlighting the extraordinary "Bolívar Potter Republics" , plus "Patria Grande: People, Parliament and Integration" and compiling "Fifty Aprismo years " . In this latest book we have the best definition of his career at the end of his life: "Aprista convicted Hayista militant, in faith, but not in the church"
YOUR CONTRIBUTION TO APRA
Like all members of the generation of FAJ, the contribution of Townsend was theoretical and practical, creative and delivery was militant. That generation which formed part Nicanor Mujica, Luis Felipe de las Casas and Armando Villanueva del Campo , either from jail, exile or internal resistance, kept alive the party, organize, play and giving him an international reputation, which is easy to see in the publications of the continent in the period from the thirties until the late fifty. Townsend
provided to APRA his controversial spirit, intelligence and privileged fine pen. Discussions from the newspaper La Tribuna the right reaction for the government of Bustamante and then his polemics against the Liberals in the years ultramontanes fifties, as well as strong and tough uncompromising position against the courtiers and followers of Creole and international communism, are among his most notable contributions. Much of the journalistic work of fighting for the ideas APRA is disseminated in newspapers and magazines in Peru and of the continent, the Tribune the main trench.
their contribution is remarkable for an updated and historical concreteness of the postulates APRA integration. Promote the Latin American Parliament and hold when the region was plunged into dictatorial regimes is one of its institutional achievements recognized struggle that will continue even until 1987 when it gets to the Parlatino be institutionalized in 18 countries in the region. Another lesser known aspect is their contribution in the training of youth from Costa Rica democratic left, and his many efforts to the tenets of Social Democracy and Economic be recognized in international conventions and regional treaties.
His intellectual and academic contributions can be summarized in the books and essays on Latin American integration, highlighting the historical perspective, ideological and legal, while APRA benefited from the preparation and drafting its fine, dialectic and timely declarations and statements during the period of military dictatorship and Velasco Morales Bermúdez . Documents that were discussed at the Policy Committee or the Chartered Secretaries, and were supported by Haya de la Torre .
His contribution lies in defending the ideological line of thinking global interpretation Haya de la Torre and not merely the doctrine that flows from a single book. Having continually tried to link the power of thought Hayista ideas, changes on the world stage. Advocated a uncompromising anti-democratic line, but not McCarthy, and ran a broad agreement with the democratic political forces without giving up the line-imperialist and oligarchic, but following the advice Tierno Galván gave leftists of his day: " Any claims of more radical, do it, but with good manners. "
However, the bigger and better contribution from our point of view, is the public ethic that always led him, his fight against political corruption, cleanliness and transparency as the sparkle in his big blue eyes. Then of all the corruption that suffered Peru with Montesinos vladivideos and the legacy of Townsend Ezcurra, beyond its strategic mistakes, lies increasingly in its moral purity. Not surprisingly then, the inner loneliness and ostracism of his last, painful years. Peru is not a country that recognizes its most illustrious men. DISSIDENT
YES NO TRAITOR
Townsend was not a traitor APRA and its opponents are responsible for repeated every time they can. It was a dissident illegally expelled disagreeing with a political line and dirigencial he considered spurious, denounced what he had to speak out and tried unsuccessfully to organize a broad political movement where his followers and supporters to express themselves and the military. He did not succeed in this enterprise and ended it as further isolating the APRA.
If dissent was treason then Luis Felipe de las Casas also had been a traitor but was not, not members of APRA Rebelde , even after they became ideological harshest critics Hague Tower. Also APRA would be traitors who went to work at SINAMOS Velasco, the body that tried to disrupt the APRA their social bases and many of them returned and no one called them traitors.
The history of APRA is very complex and the adjective of betrayal all the more when the party suffered persecution and some of its members become informers, on operators of the enemy, snitches and top sold, actors ending conspiracy against the party and make the structure fall wood. Fujimori stage is rich in examples, as was the stage Odria and Velasco. The traitors are those who justify the persecution and endorsed the campaigns of slander against the party and its founders. Don Andrés has nothing to do with it.
Disagreeing with a party line with an ideological approach, a party strategy, or a command group does not have to be treason, is the healthy exercise of democratic difference when it evolves, then, is breaking open dissent. And dissent is a political right. Townsend
denounced irregularities and inequities maquinazos against elective for internal processes PAP after the death of Haya de la Torre . His open confrontation was against "Armando" and Fernando León de Vivero , elected Secretary General in the schismatic National Congress Trujillo, 1980. Mutually exclusive groups were formed and won it had more inner strength, but with a zero-sum logic, which began in an authoritarian and violent to andres the game and closed all doors for reconciliation necessary party. Paraphrasing
Luis Alberto Sanchez , when referring to these episodes in his memoirs, "Here we fight all we were all responsible and all lost."
ITS incomprehensible error
Townsend political mistakes committed great strategic and sociological interpretation during the eighties. Without Haya de la Torre and without the support of his generation, his disorientation was evident against the party's internal crisis, inter-generational pressure and the emergence in Peruvian society and social movements growth on the left.
Some have interpreted wrongly, that disorientation, with a sort of naivete and "not play politics" by Don Andrés , as if politics were only against Machiavelli and pragmatism to the government in turn. And this presents a moral and political problem, because the conduct of a leader can and should be judged by its results, as would the British or the exercise of responsibility ethics or principles to quote Weber . Implies an effort to defend principles, spirit and sacrifice that few achieved. But not always uphold the principles by itself, sufficient to maintain a political line. We must also weigh the means and resources, both material and human.
Why then Townsend defended ethical and political principles in the critical juncture of 1979-80 lost so many spaces in the APRA that would eventually undermine its position to fall into open dissent? The defense of internal democracy, legality and fairness in internal elections, the defense of the fraternity as a political culture of APRA, all is lost in a polarization Townsend helped to create and nurture, not realizing that without polarization control of party apparatus was suicidal. What pushed him to fall into that logic skillfully prepared by the bureaucracy and arming pro occasionally their operators?.
The vision that party Townsend, was an almost religious, created in the fighting, hiding and exile. Not imagine a party that began to rot or lumpenizarse, a party that suddenly settle scores and box on a straight line for coping with pradismo and the coalition with the odriísmo, as if he had been in charge of arrangements Ramiro who built Prialé and which had the full backing of Haya de la Torre .
During the transition from dictatorship to democratic rule, begun in 1976, no political decision was taken, as in the past, without the authorization of Haya de la Torre , who encouraged the transition and reconciliation with the military . From this period dates the abstention of the CTP compared to large national strikes, which left the opportunism of the APRA blamed for Julio Cruz , when it was clear that this was a directive from the party leadership.
also accept How Armando Villanueva was left line, if this great leader of APRA was an efficient operator coalition with Odriísmo in parliament and sustainer of motion of expulsion of the leftist APRA Rebelde convention in 1958? What principles advocated then Don Andrés ? Are ethical cleaning party, while Armando channeled claim of other principles, he returned to APRA left primitive location?.
This did not understand Townsend and was his biggest blunder. In that sense
Don Andrés was a victim of its own unrealistic vision of a party after the death of Haya sought to redefine their spaces and identities and that as long as he could do destroy everything in which Townsend had formed, believed in and defended. His mystical vision of an APRA was another fraternal its major miscalculation. But Don Andrés not accept such a dilemma, for him the best of APRA was not then in the game, but the people did APRA and addressed the demanding understanding and support.
But had not the rise and national projection of Alan García. And then another of his mistakes, underestimate the strong leadership of Alan and its ability to create alliances older generation. Townsend and his generation understood too late that Alan García, the major operator of polarization internal 1980, was canceling as a group leader with a political project that was most attuned to national expectations of irredentist visions and Armando Andres . And
Armando did not understand that without Townsend your project and leadership in the APRA , was reduced to the ghetto and at the mercy of an Alan triumphant and overwhelming.
team factor here surrounding Townsend is highlighted. Some members of his family, Francisco Diez Canseco et closed near a antialanismo intrasingente, based on the belief that the presidential candidacy of Don Andrés in 1979 was thwarted thanks to an enormous and overwhelming fraud against him, and Alan had much to do with monstrosity that fatally wounded the party.
Although there were strong elements, which at this juncture confirmed, inequality and lawlessness of some of the election procedures for Armando Villanueva, the fact is that the call "Armando" was internal force capable of growing hegemony. And most likely Armando has been no stranger to such maneuvers, in which various groups were locked internal bureaucratic.
The clouded antialanismo Don Andrés and his family. If the game is geared to the leadership of Alan García in the eighties, that was not appreciated as a charismatic innovator positioning and demand generation, but as the result of a kidnapping illegal supporter. It would draw some surrounding Don Andrés and then were elected deputies Democratic Convergence, to press for the formation of the Movimiento de Bases Hayistas . LIDER
BIG, SMALL PARTY
The MBH was a small organization where they integrated that APRA cadres and one way or another had been victims of internal bureaucratic steamroller. However, the majority of APRA who opposed management León de Vivero and hegemony arming, did not accompany Townsend in this adventure. Most low-profile, gradually rejoined the party or turned away from politics. In that sense the MBH not express the strength it had never at any time Townsend within APRA, the MBH rather was its denial. Was it inevitable
training MBH? What other options and alternative scenarios outputs Don Andrés had rise after Alan García the leadership of APRA ?. It is no secret that Luis Alberto Sanchez and Ramiro Prialé tried at various times to promote reentry, but the initiative always hit the hardness and bureaucratic intransigence of a sector composed of medium-level leaders, who made their careers through the ranks by exploiting the anti andres domestic real cannibal. Some of these leaders would end years later anchored in the Fujimorismo , and anti-Aprista .
Alans also in the most closed circles, a return of Townsend was not welcomed by the criticism and accusations made against the new leader of APRA , but mostly because the exclusion of Townsend , space supporter connected to International Relations was open and clear, ready to be occupied by political actors came from the heart velasquismo and political rise within the party. Policy is the law of the empty spaces are filled.
With a flimsy structure, systematic defections and splits, with departures that Townsend assumed as personal betrayals, with new characters outside the APRA, the MBH had its trial by fire in 1983 municipal elections and the results were devastating. Hall did not win and in Lima did not exceed 2%. It was clear that the people APRA remained in the church and gave him no Townsend confidence outside the party. Who advised him to that adventure, liquidated his political capital and could not even make its own electoral space. The MBH not had the luck of the MEP Venezuelan dissident AD, or the performance of Radicalism Intransigente , another dissident historical radicalism in Argentina. In
MBH Townsend followed a desperate way of political survival that would lead to an alliance with PPC , Lima party who had been orphaned regional support to the path followed by own Popular Action in the 1985 election. With this partnership, Townsend said a senate and three deputies, one of whom, Dr. Alberto Borea left him the next day without any problems of conscience. That alliance sealed the return trip without Don Andrés , was intended to be used by the right. Vain attempt, because in the Senate, Townsend defended progressive positions and had a line worthy of political independence, becoming paradoxically, the strategic support of APRA senators.
Your vote was required for the CPA in several key moments, including the election of officers for the period 1988, when another dissident antialanista the PAP , Jorge Torres Vallejo candidateó for the Senate presidency with the support of all opposition. The APRA launched Romualdo Biaggi. The situation was dramatic, with the problems caused by the nationalization of banks, Biaggi was elected by a vote difference. That vote was Townsend. It was a quasi-tragic comedy, for Biaggi was who sustained the motion to expel Townsend party in January 1981. Seven years after the vote needed Don Andrés to be President of the Senate and won. Townsend
harbored no hatred or rancor, in the end disciple of Haya de la Torre and Manuel Seoane , voted with decorum and sense of humor. The elected Biaggi, Townsend thanked in his speech of acceptance of office and rectifying past behavior, called "My fellow party" .
In his memoirs Roger Garaudy is an unforgettable phrase referring his own dissent, "I changed my community, but no way" , Townsend community had changed but not the way. And being in this way would the APRA history.
BEFORE END
Two final quotations in this brief assessment of the political life of Townsend otherwise inadequate and incomplete.
The first is its relationship with Armando Villanueva , which deteriorated after the death of Haya de la Torre . Partners and friends of generation, the relationship between these two extraordinary men of the Peruvian and Latin American democratic politics, has all the contours of a Shakespearean drama, where emotions are mixed with emotional concerns, decisions and crossroads in the struggle for power. In the hardest moments of confrontation, Both were criticized but never offended or defamed or slandered. There was a tense respect, but respect in the end. All shared political life was based on ties of a special sign that only recognized the founding generation of APRA and FAJ.
But the obvious discomfort of Townsend the presidential formula Armando in 1980 as well as the explicit isolation that was submitted, among other factors conspired against the success of the presidential campaign that year. And as always, the intrigues of mine finished third and undermine that relationship, which is reassembled into something, years later.
But the truth is that neither Armando Andres or harbored grudges or hatred eternal. And until the completion of the life of Townsend and confirms Villanueva every time he touches the subject.
The second dimension is the diagnosis referred to in the eighties processed Townsend on Peruvian society, it was largely skewed by an anti-theoretical and political intransigence, which prevented him from recognizing the strength and dynamism of new social actors and movements that were rebuilding the social and political order.
In that sense both Townsend as Armando even Alan Garcia could not hold back in the eighties, a program that applied the velasquismo in its central aspects. There was only demand for Democracy, a deepening of the development project, an anti-imperialism more related to state sovereignty rather than control of resources and constant preaching of the key ideas around the state, integration and functional democracy. The vision of Alan García in this regard was based more on a sociological reading radical and heterodoxy which had its weak point on voluntarism without real actors to your project partners. Armando
tried to build bridges with these new actors and Alan wanted engage directly in their government, but the social hegemony Izquierda Unida blocked those attempts. Except for the lone Barrantes, the Left was anti-Aprista and preferred sinking APRA rather than a strategic alliance or convergence. In that sense Townsend not mistaken, he never expected any of that left and always distrusted her, but the simple denial would not solve the underlying problem, but always held the controversial view that APRA after the death of Haya de la Torre had lost its social articulator, ie Peru was left without its best unifying tool.
Greetings all,
Eduardo Bueno León
Mexico City, August 2, 2003
* Revised September 10, 2009
=============== ============================= Important
written Eduardo Bueno León APRA militant who knows exactly what it said and written that I think the more objective, more real, and wiser from the pen of an intellectual and a fighter the trenches of a democratic American Indians of the best sort.
Mexico City, August 2, 2003
* Revised September 10, 2009
=============== ============================= Important
written Eduardo Bueno León APRA militant who knows exactly what it said and written that I think the more objective, more real, and wiser from the pen of an intellectual and a fighter the trenches of a democratic American Indians of the best sort.
I wrote on this blog, about my friend and fellow countryman and Andres Townsend Ezcurra (born in the heroic and historic city of Lambayeque Region Chiclayo now, a March 23, 1915 and died † in the city of Lima, a July 31, 1994) historian, writer, intellectual, privileged Peruvian political speaker and the highest levels, merit and recognition. In fact, it was a close friend of Victor Raul Haya de la Torre .
mostly not forget today that a December 7th, 1964 established the Latin American Parliament in the city of Kings, Lima.
was married to Ana Elena Diez Canseco (hence connected to Manuel Seoane familiarity) and the father of former Congresswoman Ana Elena "Anel" Townsend Diez Canseco and journalist Josephine Townsend Diez Canseco.
prestiogioso was a relevant and Professor at the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos and other universities in Peru and abroad. In 1963 he was elected as deputy of the Republic, presiding over the chamber in 1968 and 1980, after the death of Victor Raul Haya de la Torre he joined the presidential ticket as a candidate PAP the First Vice Chair. Won election architect Fernando Belaunde Terry Popular Action .
Andrew Townsend Drain be a large APRA lived in an idyllic world of politics and APRA itself, as many good APRA who gave their lives and their best hours APRA as a dream, and romance better pray to the goddess as justice, and social justice holocaust ... pure romance, pure surrender, love of good to the cause of and for the needy, the needy of social justice and hungry for the bread of the illusion that blinds and moves you towards a paradise where everything is fraternity equity , loyalty and harmony.
Eduardo Bueno León speaks with certainty, honesty and fairness about what happened and what is now weighing on the current behavior of the Alan who started the flower the better, of longing and illusion and the magic of APRA good and romantic and heroic.
And many APRA as Andrew Townsend Drain believed and others still believe today, that there is still romance, magic and the epiphany that Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre knew very well generate and lift and breathe and nourish as APRA As APRA-game: Without a penny in his pocket. Pure magic, fable, pure fantasy, pure youthful infatuation.
It was in memory and in the trunk of the story: An APRA as a homeland-tag fraternity, the APRA as a church without sinners but satiated of heroes and martyrs. The APRA as a republic of untouchables, ineffable and men of politics than in pure mockery of the Hindu castes, where the mortal and profane wretches had no right or look them in the face and not to speak to you because: They saved ONLY TO PERU, and, therefore, are not worthy of being criticized and not recommended. That was already in the world of memories and nostalgia.
With Armando Villanueva del Campo (operator of the most rancid right cavernous during the dictatorial and authoritarian government of Manuel A. Odría as very clear and true, reveals Eduardo Bueno León, noting that this was with the permission and consent of the Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre ) and other senior leaders and large APRA had already tasted the honey and ambrosia to be government the pleasure of having power, money and comfort very own empowerment, - (there were wives and children to support and provide reassurance and comfort in front of danger and uncertainty suffered both) - then, his head-PAP guidelines were already inoculated to the vein The bug of governing at the expense of what was to enjoy it all, absolutely everything, and not piecemeal, not least with persecutions and exiles dungeons and torture and death ... That left it to the history and gullible fools.
Armando Villanueva and Alan Garcia, - (newly arrived from Europe with his wife and children were already in place, and that work was not known or had never worked) - they knew that money is the one who buys everything, absolutely everything, and here in Peru with money: A black 'whitening' , an Indian becomes Misti , and becomes a criminal LORD, and turns into a miserable gentleman. Money and only money and nothing more than money. Does ideology, doctrine, and the auroral APRA? How PAP and militants who were with one hand behind and one ahead permanently? Bah ... that it left the servants militants, without money they had to defend within the PAP and had to paint the walls, stir in the squares and paste the propaganda and also pass them off (to the Dome PAP) male 'integrity', 'honest', 'honest', etc. . ... and of course, all free, there was and is the great negociazo.
Okay, the money would provide an international drug dealer (among other gems) well-known: CARLOS LANDBERGH and business, or covenant and contract well known: With the power I have in Parliament and / or PE and / or PJ and others, will help make your business prosper and have no problems with either the police or the judiciary or the Attorney General and finally either in prison, in return you ease your 'narco-million' and everybody happy everybody's happy.
the mastiff came right to do business and live on faenones and PAP and Peruvian politics, and now, again, Alan is a wagon election to the highest bidder alquilones and increasingly, it proves my thesis that Alan is one: MAFIA ORGANISATION BUSINESS PARTIDOCRÁTICA .
Remember Don Andrés Townsend Drain whom I knew personally and through my illustrious countryman, - (it was a close friend of my uncle the dentist and APRA Chiclayo and Antonio Nakano son of Dona Juana Sanchez de Nakano in Chiclayo) - appreciated by APRA through his personality and his intellectual image, and I am a gentleman to recognize that most fond of Don Andrés and with him the legendary and mythical 'Puppy' Manuel Seoane Corrales, at the same Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre , for reasons of homeland and the closeness and family insider.
Aprismo lost to Andrew Townsend best of its values \u200b\u200band principles and promises, and to put face to face Don Andrés Townsend with Alans can compare with complete clarity: The true face of ongoing fraud, justice against crime, the kindly face of the Phoenician, the academic universally against the coarse vulgarity demagogic organization beneficial against the mafia and criminal organization, the authentic face of Mogosa chafalonía, the capacity versus mediocrity bold.
Lima, Friday, 11 September 2009
Jaime Del Castillo Jaramillo
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